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Sunday, September 27, 2020

Politics Is Visceral

Politics Is Visceral

Manos Tsakiris has written a very good essay on how visceral emotion and feeling are at the root of politics as opposed to rational thought. This essay notes that people feel increasingly unsafe today and so the emotion anxiety is in play in politics. The essay also notes that anxiety as well as anger in politics are really not rational and so politics is mainly based on how people feel, i.e., politics is visceral not rational.

The essay seems to assert that the visceral politics of today are not driven by any fundamental political disagreement. Rather, it is politicians' persuasive language and not any fundamental political disagreement that drives today's visceral politics. In other words, today's visceral politics not due to political disagreements but rather due to persuasive language of politicians.

The essay mentions the rational Polis of Aristotle as an example of rational politics that has never proven to be true. The essay then mentions the Thomas Hobbes' lawlessness that would result from the irrational war of all against all. Hobbes supposed human nature was first of all callous and not compassionate and callous free choice was fundamentally irrational and needed the social contracts of compassion to limit the natural lawlessness of callous free choice.

The essay argues that modern life undermines the the human well being of the UK social welfare state from the 1942 Beveridge report. Modern life increasingly does not distribute human well-being evenly that is a precursor of many modern day maladies like depression and suicide. The essay uses a Trump rally quote to show how language increases political anxiety and anger.

"The American people are fed up with Democrat lies, hoaxes, smears, slanders and scams. The Democrats’ shameful conduct has created an angry majority, and that’s what we are, we’re a majority and we’re angry."

However, the essay does not show why the Trump quote is not true and therefore not justified. Since there have been Democrat lies, hoaxes, slanders, scams, and shameful conduct, the emotions would then be justified and therefore help people to increase human well being.

The essay ends with a quote from Hannah Arendt, "the ideal subject of a totalitarian regime is one ‘for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (ie, the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (ie, the standards of thought) no longer exist.’"

The essay now argues that somehow, the visceral politics of modern life and human well being depends on distinguishing fact from fiction to preclude a totalitarian regime. 

Nowhere in the essay is there any discussion of the universal political disagreement over conservative individual free choice versus the liberal coerced choices of compassion state, which is the foundation of all modern politics. The visceral politics of modern life seem to be the classic political difference between the conservative Adam Smith of individual free choice versus the liberal Rousseau of enforced state compassion. Rousseau, after all, argues that first of all, human nature was compassionate and not callous, but otherwise followed Hobbes.

There is some purpose and meaning to the visceral politics of modern life. There is, after all, a fundamental recurring political disagreement over the limits of individual free choice versus the limits of state-enforced compassion. In fact, previous outcomes repeatedly shown us that either callous free choice or unfettered compassion can lead to a totalitarian state.

Saturday, September 26, 2020

Free Choice and Compassion

Emotions that accompany the two main complementary conservative and liberal ideologies of civilization are the complementary emotions of free choice and compassion. All emotions come from the primitive mind and not the rational conscious mind and so emotions are why we feel the way that we feel and are why we do what we do.

Conservative ideology favors more individual free choice with limited government coercion while liberal ideology favors more government coercion with limited individual free choice. Extreme conservative ideology with unfettered free choice then suppresses liberal compassion and will end up despotic and tyrannical. Likewise, extreme liberal ideology with unfettered compassion then suppresses conservative free choice and will likewise end up despotic and tyrannical.

Thus Nazism or Fascism represent a conservative extreme unfettered free choice by a ruling elite, while socialism or communism represent a liberal extreme unfettered compassion by a ruling elite and have both demonstrated despotic tyranny outcomes. Despite having opposite feeling precursors of free choice or compassion, respectively, both conservative and liberal extremes both end up as despotic tyrannies. This is also why successful free market capitalism must always tolerate some political and religious dissent and thus have necessarily more representative democracy outcomes.

The balance between a callous free choice based mainly on the feeling of an individual and the compassionate coerced choice of intolerance has been a long struggle for civilization. Ancient China, India, and Rome all achieved some success as totalitarian states rule by the unfettered free choice of their ruling classes and a fundamental acceptance and indeed promotion of the suffering and misery of everyone else. Then, Western Civilization adopted a Judeo-Christian-Islamic ethic that introduced the primacy of individual free choice for most people as a a different feeling with more compassion to reduce suffering for those outside of the ruling class.

In particular, the Judeo-Christian ethic taught that both rich and poor people have the same free choice of grace and salvation and therefore both could reach salvation and heaven by their own free choice. People did not have to accept their suffering and misery, but could choose a different destiny from that of their birth. The Judeo-Christian-Islamic ethic shows the primacy of individual free choice and free choice gave rise to the innovation of technological advances that increased the wealth of all people, including the poor, and gave rise to a middle class as a result.

China’s CCP is a very good example of the unfettered compassion of a ruling class since the CCP uses their unfettered compassion to justify tyranny and intolerance over everyone else. The unfettered CCP compassion considers itself virtuous because it has good intentions for most people, but the CCP cannot tolerate any religious or political dissent and so mercilessly suppresses the free choice of both religious and political minorities. The CCP is now actively suppressing all non-state religions, Uighurs, Tibetans, Falun Gong, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.

Syrian Assad’s ruling class also represents callous free choice that likewise cannot tolerate any dissent and Assad’s nine-year long civil war ruthlessly suppresses all religious and political dissent. Likewise Iran's theocracy callous free choice likewise cannot tolerate any dissent in Iran and ruthlessly suppresses all political and religious dissent outside of the ruling theocracy.

All of these examples of one-party rule are at the extremes of either callous free choice or unfettered compassion.

Friday, September 25, 2020

Marx, Nietzsche, Sartre, and Foucault

Marx, Nietzsche, Sartre, and Foucault

All people learn from infancy to first of all transcend their fundamental anxieties about the empty nothing of nihilism in order to comprehend physical reality. Some few people then partially deconstruct their original beliefs and reconstruct new beliefs and become evangelists for that new belief. Evangelists desire to persuade people to believe a particular set of morals and ethics to give them purpose and meaning and reduce their suffering and misery.

The Roman Catholic Bishop Barron's talk to the Knights of Malta used works from four prominent atheist philosophers to represent the philosophical foundations of the current U.S. culture war. These four evangelists each partially deconstructed the religion archetypes of their upbringings and then reconstructed new archetypes about power. Their new archetypes spanned 128 years as The Communist Manifesto by Marx in 1848, Beyond Good and Evil by Nietzsche in 1886, Being and Nothingness by Sartre in 1953, and The History of Sexuality by Foucault in 1976. These works and their authors represent the foundation of the current culture of reconstructed identity and the power of its relativist individual morality focused on transcendence from individual instead of religious power. It is then the transcendence of individual power that provides morals, ethics, meaning, and purpose.

Christians like Barron argue that it is religious belief and not individual power that transcends anxiety about nihilism and so these four archetypes represent to Barron the dreaded four horseman of the apocalypse. The common theme among the horseman is the rejection of the prevailing religious morality and ethics that represent the power of a cultural elite. These new evangelists claim that the power elite simply contrive a morality and ethics just to oppress other identity groups like women and blacks or workers and so on. The horseman all argue that identity groups should all reject the elite morality and ethics and reconstruct their own morality and ethics with their individual power. 

In fact, each of the horseman reconstruct a different morality and ethics instead of adopting the power elite's well-accepted archetypes of morality and ethics. For example, instead of the morality and ethics of the Judeo-Christian-Islam tradition, each individual has the free choice to reconstruct their own morality and ethics...from nothing but their nihilist anxiety. Of course, there are a large number of narratives of Western Civilization that provide a rich and common source of meaning, purpose, morals, and ethics.

Marx argued in 1848 that first of all wealth inequality was due to the ruling class tyranny of capital free markets. The ruling class minority takes their profit from the labor of the working class majority, who must then take power by force from the ruling class minority by force of revolution. Once the working class has power, a utopia will appear, but of course the working class will need to imprison or kill the ruling class to prevent their recurrence as a counter revolution.

Nietzche argued in 1886 that first of all God was dead and so all individuals must deconstruct religious morals and ethics. People should begin with an anxiety about the nothingness of nihilism and then reconstruct their own morality and ethics from the nothing of nihilism with their individual will to power as ubermensch. Of course, the streets will run red in blood as ubermensh will then conflict with and kill each other.

Sartre furthered Nietzsche's existential anxiety of nihilism in 1953 and begins the universe not with the creation of a transcendent God, but rather with the creation of a transcendent nihilism, which is again creation of something from nothing. As long as everyone is authentic to their existential selves, a utopia will appear for authentic people. Of course, authentic people will then need to imprison or kill those who are not authentic to themselves.

Foucault in 1976 concluded that the power elite used their power to simply invent a morality and ethics to oppress all identity groups. Since anything can come from nihilism, therefore, the power elite should use their power to create a utopia by using their power to imprison or kill other identity groups with less power. 

These four horsemen of the apocalypse all offer four very different ways to transcend the bottomless anxiety of nihilism with the pleasure of a relative morality and ethics for an identity group in power. Bishop Barron argued instead that the pleasure of Catholic belief represents an absolute morality and ethics that comes from a belief in a Catholic God. Barron did not mention the many other factions of beliefs but says that it is the pleasure of a Judeo-Christian tradition like Catholicism that transcends the anxiety of nihilism with the pleasure of religious belief. In particular, Barron argues that there is pleasure in the intellectual tradition of the Catholic Church belief in God that has always effectively transcended nihilist anxieties. Although Catholics have imprisoned or killed other identity groups in the past, in order to create a utopia, Barron evidently does not believe that will happen again.

These four horseman all transcended their anxieties over nihilism with four different beliefs that each can replace all ancient religious moral and ethical beliefs. Barron does not address the even more diverse factions of the Judeo-Christian-Islamic morality and ethics and that diversity is a fertile ground for sowing our post modern culture's bottomless black holes of nihilist anxiety. The further diverse factions of Confucius, Buddhism, the Dao, and the Vedas further complicate any single claim of absolute morality and ethics like that of Barron's Catholicism.

People progress in life by the pleasure of discovering new people, new places, new foods, new drink, and even new beliefs. People also get pleasure in discovering new beliefs as archetypes since archetypes are necessary to transcend their anxieties about what they cannot ever know, which is the bottomless pit of nihilism. People need ways to transcend their anxieties about nihilism and what they cannot ever know, which is the primal fear of the bottomless pit of nihilism and is what we fear most of all. 

Thus, all compassionate people, including the four horseman as well as Bishop Barron, want to reduce the suffering and misery of others. Each evangelizes a different way to transcend the injustice of people who suffer in misery, but who do not deserve their suffering and misery. However, they all argue that even compassionate people must first of all transcend their own anxieties about nihilism before they can ever hope to transcend the injustice of the suffering and misery of others.

The problem with all of these evangelizations is the danger of majority faction tyranny over minority factions. The problem is not with the factions per se but rather with the majority tyranny. In fact, the factions are what mitigate the problem of majority tyranny. When bad things happen to good people, those people face the injustice of misery and anxiety of suffering from those bad things. The precursors of such suffering from bad things are often simply unknowable and yet those people who suffer still get angry and lash out at and blame others as enemies for injustices that cause their suffering. Other compassionate people who see such suffering will also get angry and lash out at any perceived unjust enemy as the cause of even fundamentally unknowable precursors of suffering.

Thus, these four horseman are simply evangelists of four very different transcendent beliefs while Barron is an evangelist for his own Catholic belief. In fact, transcendent beliefs by definition do not have knowable precursors...including each of the horseman's transcendent beliefs. Although precursors exist in our causal reality, there are matter-action precursors that we cannot ever know as an inescapable axiom of the reality of quantum phase. People must have archetype beliefs that allow them to transcend unknowable precursors. For example, there are unknowable precursors for some of the injustices of suffering and misery by people who do not deserve to suffer or to be miserable. 

Thursday, September 3, 2020

Spectral Free Choice

Human interaction as either weak or strong as well as a bond attraction or a conflict of dislike are both the result of matter-action free-choice EEG spectra. The neural phases of the EEG spectra show whether the attraction is weak or strong and also show whether there is bond or conflict. The quantum phases of neural action potentials shows the pervasive nature of our quantum reality as matter-action quantum causal sets.

The universe matter-action spectrum likewise shows the frequency and distribution of universe matter intensity versus mass and is the transform of the universe matter decay pulse. While universe time emerges from the precursors and outcomes of universe matter decay, atomic time emerges from atom action. All things that happen have matter-action spectra outcomes from their matter-action spectra precursors. Each person's matter-action spectrum describes their matter and all of their interactions with themselves as well as with the universe outside of the self.

Gravity relativity is a very weak force that scales with the size of the universe while quantum charge is a very much stronger force that scales with the size of atoms. Until the biphoton of matter-action, it has been a mystery how gravity relativity and charge forces represent the same basic matter-action force. It is then even further amazing that the very weak forces of human free choice are also consistent with the same basic matter-action force.